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    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    The delicate hour of the birds among the branches – Poems by Melih Cevdet Anday (trans. Neil P. Doherty)

    Afro Women Poetry- SUDAN: Reem Yasir, Rajaa Bushara, Fatma Latif

    Afro Women Poetry- SUDAN: Reem Yasir, Rajaa Bushara, Fatma Latif

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    A flock of cardinals melted in the scarlet sky: Poems by Daryna Gladun

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    The wolf hour and other poems by Ella Yevtushenko

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Testing the worth of poetic bombshells – Four poems by Abdul Karim Al-Ahmad

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

  • Fiction
    Chapter ten, from”Come What May” by Ahmed Masoud

    Chapter ten, from”Come What May” by Ahmed Masoud

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    The Naked Shell of Aloneness – Kazi Rafi

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    The Shadow of a Shadow – Nandini Sahu

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Football is Life – Mojaffor Hossein

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Origin – 1. The House, at night, by Predrag Finci

    HOT MANGO CHUTNEY SAUCE – Farah Ahamed (from Period Matters)

    HOT MANGO CHUTNEY SAUCE – Farah Ahamed (from Period Matters)

    Take Note of the Sun Shining Within Twilight – Four Poems by Natalia Beltchenko

    BOW / BHUK – Parimal Bhattacharya

  • Non Fiction
    My Lover, My Body – Gonca Özmen, trans. by Neil P. Doherty

    My Lover, My Body – Gonca Özmen, trans. by Neil P. Doherty

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    A tribute to Carla Macoggi – An invitation to reading her novels, by Jessy Simonini

    A tribute to Carla Macoggi – An invitation to reading her novels, by Jessy Simonini

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    What Gets Read: How the Beats Caught on in Italy – Clark Bouwman

    What Gets Read: How the Beats Caught on in Italy – Clark Bouwman

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Of romantic love and its perils: The lyrics of the enigmatic Barbara Strozzi – Luciana Messina

  • Interviews & reviews
    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Paradoxes of misfits and wanderers: Modhura Bandyopadhyay reviews Stalks of Lotus

    Beauty and Defiance: Ukrainian contemporary paintings in Padua- Show organizer Liudmila Vladova Olenovych in conversation with Camilla Boemio

    Beauty and Defiance: Ukrainian contemporary paintings in Padua- Show organizer Liudmila Vladova Olenovych in conversation with Camilla Boemio

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    A preview of Greek poet Tsabika Hatzinikola’s second collection “Without Presence, Dreams Do Not Emerge”, by Georg Schaaf

    Ascension: A conversation with Matthew Smith

    Ascension: A conversation with Matthew Smith

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Of Concentric Storytelling, Footballs and the Shifting World

    Lexically Sugared Circuits of R/elation: A Conversation with Adeena Karasick

    Lexically Sugared Circuits of R/elation: A Conversation with Adeena Karasick

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    Camilla Boemio interviews Malaysian artist Kim Ng

    Poetic bridges and conversations: Icelandic, Kiswahili and English through three poems by Hlín Leifsdóttir

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Human Bestiary Series – Five Poems by Pina Piccolo

    Bear encounters in Italy:  Jj4, anthropomorphized nature and the dialectics of generations – Post by Maurizio Vitale (a.k.a. Jack Daniel)

    Bear encounters in Italy: Jj4, anthropomorphized nature and the dialectics of generations – Post by Maurizio Vitale (a.k.a. Jack Daniel)

    Chapter four from “La cena- Avanzi dell’ex Jugoslavia”, by Božidar Stanišić

    Chapter four from “La cena- Avanzi dell’ex Jugoslavia”, by Božidar Stanišić

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    A song of peace and other poems by Julio Monteiro Martins

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    I am the storm rattling iron door handles (Part I)- Poems by Michael D. Amitin

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Spirited away by the northern winds (Part I) – Poems by Marcello Tagliente

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Like a geological specimen in a darkened room: Two poems by Neil Davidson

  • News
    HAIR IN THE WIND – Calling on poets to join international project in solidarity with the women of Iran

    HAIR IN THE WIND – Calling on poets to join international project in solidarity with the women of Iran

    THE DREAMING MACHINE ISSUE N. 11 WILL BE OUT ON DEC. 10

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    RUCKSACK – GLOBAL POETRY PATCHWORK PROJECT

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    REFUGEE TALES July 3-5: Register for a Walk In Solidarity with Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Detainees

    IL BIANCO E IL NERO – LE PAROLE PER DIRLO, Conference Milan Sept. 7

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    OPEN POEM TO THE CURATORS OF THE 58th VENICE BIENNALE  FROM THE GHOSTS OF THAT RELIC YOU SHOULD NOT DARE CALL “OUR BOAT” (Pina Piccolo)

    OPEN POEM TO THE CURATORS OF THE 58th VENICE BIENNALE FROM THE GHOSTS OF THAT RELIC YOU SHOULD NOT DARE CALL “OUR BOAT” (Pina Piccolo)

  • Home
  • Poetry
    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    The delicate hour of the birds among the branches – Poems by Melih Cevdet Anday (trans. Neil P. Doherty)

    Afro Women Poetry- SUDAN: Reem Yasir, Rajaa Bushara, Fatma Latif

    Afro Women Poetry- SUDAN: Reem Yasir, Rajaa Bushara, Fatma Latif

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    A flock of cardinals melted in the scarlet sky: Poems by Daryna Gladun

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    The wolf hour and other poems by Ella Yevtushenko

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Testing the worth of poetic bombshells – Four poems by Abdul Karim Al-Ahmad

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

  • Fiction
    Chapter ten, from”Come What May” by Ahmed Masoud

    Chapter ten, from”Come What May” by Ahmed Masoud

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    The Naked Shell of Aloneness – Kazi Rafi

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    The Shadow of a Shadow – Nandini Sahu

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Football is Life – Mojaffor Hossein

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Origin – 1. The House, at night, by Predrag Finci

    HOT MANGO CHUTNEY SAUCE – Farah Ahamed (from Period Matters)

    HOT MANGO CHUTNEY SAUCE – Farah Ahamed (from Period Matters)

    Take Note of the Sun Shining Within Twilight – Four Poems by Natalia Beltchenko

    BOW / BHUK – Parimal Bhattacharya

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    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    A tribute to Carla Macoggi – An invitation to reading her novels, by Jessy Simonini

    A tribute to Carla Macoggi – An invitation to reading her novels, by Jessy Simonini

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    In memoriam – Swimming in the Tigris, Greenford: The Poetical Journey of Fawzi Karim, by Marius Kociejowski

    What Gets Read: How the Beats Caught on in Italy – Clark Bouwman

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    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Of romantic love and its perils: The lyrics of the enigmatic Barbara Strozzi – Luciana Messina

  • Interviews & reviews
    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Paradoxes of misfits and wanderers: Modhura Bandyopadhyay reviews Stalks of Lotus

    Beauty and Defiance: Ukrainian contemporary paintings in Padua- Show organizer Liudmila Vladova Olenovych in conversation with Camilla Boemio

    Beauty and Defiance: Ukrainian contemporary paintings in Padua- Show organizer Liudmila Vladova Olenovych in conversation with Camilla Boemio

    Remembering Carla Macoggi: Excerpts from “Kkeywa- Storia di una bambina meticcia” and “Nemesi della rossa”

    A preview of Greek poet Tsabika Hatzinikola’s second collection “Without Presence, Dreams Do Not Emerge”, by Georg Schaaf

    Ascension: A conversation with Matthew Smith

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    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Of Concentric Storytelling, Footballs and the Shifting World

    Lexically Sugared Circuits of R/elation: A Conversation with Adeena Karasick

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    • All
    • Fiction
    • Intersections
    • Interviews and reviews
    • Non fiction
    • Poetry
    Camilla Boemio interviews Malaysian artist Kim Ng

    Poetic bridges and conversations: Icelandic, Kiswahili and English through three poems by Hlín Leifsdóttir

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Human Bestiary Series – Five Poems by Pina Piccolo

    Bear encounters in Italy:  Jj4, anthropomorphized nature and the dialectics of generations – Post by Maurizio Vitale (a.k.a. Jack Daniel)

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    Chapter four from “La cena- Avanzi dell’ex Jugoslavia”, by Božidar Stanišić

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    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    A song of peace and other poems by Julio Monteiro Martins

    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

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    Datura – Paulami Sengupta

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    Overturning planes in the labyrinth – Four poems by Rita Degli Esposti

    Spirited away by the northern winds (Part I) – Poems by Marcello Tagliente

    Pioneer’s Portrait: How Voltaire Contributed to Comparative Literature, by Razu Alauddin    

    Like a geological specimen in a darkened room: Two poems by Neil Davidson

  • News
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    IL BIANCO E IL NERO – LE PAROLE PER DIRLO, Conference Milan Sept. 7

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    OPEN POEM TO THE CURATORS OF THE 58th VENICE BIENNALE  FROM THE GHOSTS OF THAT RELIC YOU SHOULD NOT DARE CALL “OUR BOAT” (Pina Piccolo)

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Home Non Fiction

What it took to write this article—or the situation of “péyi lok” in Haiti, by Patrick Etienne

translated from French by Danielle Legros Georges, original French version available below English text.

May 1, 2022
in Non Fiction, The dreaming machine n 5
Photogallery of Irene De Matteis Oneiric Artwork
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December 2019

Port-au-Prince

Writing this article

 

A very dear friend with whom I was sharing my thoughts about the current situation of the country suggested I write an article relaying the lived experience of ordinary Haitians in this particular crisis. I welcomed the idea, as writing on the topic would give me some freedom from my forced inactivity—and the sense that, even locked up, I existed in the world.

 

The reader unfamiliar the Haitian context might imagine that it would be enough for me to sit down at my computer and set myself to the task of composition. Well . . . no. Because of an area power failure, I have had no electricity for nearly a month. Food has long rotted in the fridge, nights are dark, and local restitution of electricity can’t take place because of barricaded streets. Unable to power my computer at home, I have had to go elsewhere to do this; a 10-minute walk away, where service, although irregular, hasn’t been cut. Getting there requires crossing barricades, sometimes on fire, and risking attack by thugs (self-named militants) armed with stones and bottles who could at any moment accost me and grab my computer and my phone.

 

Nothing has been simple since the “péyi lok” movement put the country on lock-down or made it a blocked country.

 

Consequences of the “péyi lok”

 

Operation “péyi lok” involves groups that terrorize the general population by shooting off guns, throwing stones and bottles, and erecting burning and practically impassable barricades in order to paralyze traffic and activity. Many Haitians believe the groups to be tools of the oligarchy.

 

The consequences of blocking the country for more than two months are dramatic, and represent a humanitarian mess. Moreover, the economy, already affected by recent climatic events, is withering. State revenue from taxes and customs duties is reduced. Soon it will be difficult to pay public servants. Add to this, the fact that most of the country’s labor force is made up of day laborers, and each day of inactivity negatively impacts family budgets. In other sectors, companies are forced to close, putting their employees out of work. Now with roads blocked, peasants cannot transport their food to the cities, and their perishable products rot on the spot. The ensuing scarcity of food causes higher costs. A famine is already being felt and the humanitarian aid provided by the US and United Nations will be palliatives that won’t invigorate the economy. Another unfortunate consequence of “péyi lok” is the closure of schools and the loss of jobs in education. Finally, and with regard to the health sector, the news is appalling: doctors can’t go to their workplaces; patients, pregnant women cannot go to hospitals, which are supplied with neither drugs nor equipment.

 

So how did we get here, you may ask? To answer the question, some history is necessary

 

In 1804, blacks and mulattoes together freed themselves from a French colonial yoke. With the Haitian nation founded, mulattoes were left more privileged than blacks, having been better educated and having more resources. Over time, they formed an oligarchy, protectively guarding wealth and ensuring control of the state apparatus.

 

More recently, this oligarchy diversified by integrating wealthy black constituents and Levantines from the Middle East. In a country with limited economic resources, the oligarchy has, over time, become more and more protective and voracious.

 

The advent of the presidency of René Préval in 2006 (who remained President until 2011) was, for the oligarchs, the opportunity to orchestrate a restructuring of state enterprises through acts of liquidation, theft, and sabotage, including kidnappings of state agency directors. The enterprises, thus devalued, were sold off to the benefit of the oligarchy.

 

Jocelerme Privert, for example, who oversaw a presidential transition, enabled $3 billion in lucrative contracts to land in oligarchy pockets, including border surveillance contracts. Haiti’s borders and territorial waters were opened to the smuggling and trafficking in arms and drugs practiced by the business mafia.

 

It is important to note here that the instrument of the state historically charged with border patrol, the Haitian army was dissolved in 1994 by President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Préval’s predecessor.

 

A fabricated image

 

Against this backdrop, in 2017, appeared Haiti’s current president Jovenel Moïse. While a candidate, he had been supported by the business class, and public-relations specialists who made him appear a successful entrepreneur through his banana export business. Mockingly called “Neg bannan la” (The banana man) by his opponents, Moïse adopted the label to his advantage. When Hurricane Matthew hit Haiti is 2017, ravaging the south of the country, candidate Moïse, thanks to his financiers, was able to provide food and equipment relief, which played in favor of his election. Those who financed him were expecting, in return, new privileges—though they were perhaps not anticipating the PetroCaribe scandal, which broke in 2018.

 

PetroCaribe, PetroChallengers, and “péyi lok”

 

The PetroCaribe scandal, the sale of state-owned enterprises, and the contracts awarded by Privert, represents the biggest corruption case that has marked the Haitian government in the 21st century. While the case has yet to be tried in the Haitian courts, most Haiti experts and Haitians agree that the PetroCaribe affair involves three presidencies: those of René Préval, Michel Martelly and Jocelerme Privert.

 

Under an agreement called PetroCaribe, the Venezuelan state provided Latin American and Caribbean countries with oil on preferential terms—with payments to be deferred, and with favorable, if not insignificant interest rates. The countries were to invest the savings they derived from the agreement into rural projects, and had the option of repaying their loans with agricultural products.

 

Taking the devastating 2010 earthquake in Haiti, along with the ensuing cyclones that hit the country as pretexts, the governments of Préval, Martelly, and Privert, by declaring states of emergency, bypassed the state’s control bodies. Thus PetroCaribe’s $3 billions was swallowed up in irregular, bogus, or inflated contracts. Prominent politicians including ministers, parliamentarians, senior state officials and businessmen became richer—taking advantage of this financial windfall.

 

Haitian citizens demanded to know where the funds went, and mounted a social media campaign. A movement, largely supported by young people, was born, demanding accountability and the recovery of the missing funds. It gave rise to monster demonstrations. The members of this movement called themselves the PetroChallengers.

 

In the face of this scandal, the newly-elected President took an ambiguous position, stating that he would not allow the PetroCaribe case to be used for political persecution. Was this a strategy or did he intend to protect his financiers and political friends? Moreover, his banana export company, Agritrans, was itself implicated for having benefited from an irregular contract of insignificant amount before Moïse became President. The Superior Court of Auditors and Administrative Litigation, a state supervisory body, then carried out an audit, but drew its conclusions without hearing from the accused, rendering its conclusions problematic.

 

The powerful PetroChallenge movement begun in 2018, was skillfully undermined when politicians and businesspeople, mingling with the PetroChallengers, focused the movement on the resignation of the president and away from initial demands for accountability. While PetroChallenge appeared to have morphed into the “péyi lok” movement, the peaceful PetroChallengers movement should not be confused with those who practice the violence of “péyi lok.” As of the writing of this article, the President remains firmly in his post.

 

President’s reaction

 

Jovenel Moïse hesitates to act to repress the gangs that paralyze activities, despite having the support of the American and European powers—and it is clear that a rift exists between the president and the oligarchy. When this rift developed it is not clear, but at the beginning of his mandate, Moïse opted to replace the electricity system with renewable energy sources, without the support of the oligarchy.

 

Now, faced with recent attempts to overthrow him, the President has counter-attacked by terminating private electricity contracts and hiring law firms to recover fraudulently-charged sums. He also put an end to the customs allowances enjoyed by businesspeople.

 

The president has recently said he was open to negotiating with his opponents to resolve the “péyi lok” crisis. His opponents have countered that they are ready to engage with everyone except Mr. Moïse. A recent visit by a Trump envoy seems to have shifted the players in favor of this dialogue. Is the outcome coming soon?

 

What are the prospects?

 

One would tempted to equate the maneuvers of political actors with bad farce, were it not for the spectacle of the withering of an entire country. Confronted with this distressing picture, is it possible to hope?

 

Haitians yearn for happiness and deserve better than being led by corrupt and incompetent men. It is imperative that this political class and these businesspeople be replaced with new leaders.

The country, and above all, the diaspora have a reservoir of educated people who should, by uniting, agree to get involved in the civic work of rebuilding the nation on a new foundation. Salvation will come with the advent of a strong and honest government capable of making the necessary changes, supported by the country’s dedicated population, and the international community supported by friends of Haiti around the world.

 

____________

 

Patrick Etienne is vice president of L’institute de la Nouvelle Haïti/New Haiti Institute, a think tank on citizen engagement within the broader framework of a pluridimensional approach to the problems of Haiti.

 


Ce que ça m’a pris pour écrire cet article ou la situation de “péyi lok” en Haïti

 

—Patrick Etienne

 

December 2019

Port-au-Prince

 

Pour écrire cet article

Une amie très chère avec laquelle je partageais mes réflexions sur la situation actuelle du pays, m’a invité à rédiger un article relatant le vécu de l’haïtien ordinaire en ce moment de crise très particulier. J’ai accueilli l’idée avec joie, car écrire sur le sujet me permettait de sortir de mon inactivité forcée et de sentir que, même enfermé, j’existais dans le monde.

 

Le lecteur, étranger au contexte, pourrait se figurer qu’il me suffisait de m’attabler devant mon ordinateur et de m’y mettre. Eh bien, non! à cause d’une panne sectorielle, je suis privé d’électricité depuis près d’un mois. Il n’y a que de la nourriture avariée dans le réfrigérateur, les nuits sont noires et les réparations ne peuvent avoir lieu dans des rues barricadées. Ne pouvant brancher mon ordinateur, j’ai dû me rendre dans un lieu, à 10 minutes de marche de ma résidence, où le service, bien qu’irrégulier, n’avait pas été coupé. Pour y arriver, je devais franchir des barricades, parfois enflammées, avec le risque d’être agressé par les voyous armés de pierres et de bouteilles qui s’y tenaient et qui pourraient, à tout moment, m’agresser et me prendre mon ordinateur et mon téléphone.

 

Rien n’est simple depuis que le mouvement “péyi lok” a fermé le pays ou en a fait un pays bloqué.

 

Conséquences du “péyi lok”

 

L’opération “péyi lok” (pays bloqué) est un mouvement par lequel des groupuscules terrorisent la population par des tirs d’armes à feu, des jets de pierres et de bouteilles, et dressent des barricades enflammées pratiquement infranchissables pour paralyser la circulation et les activités. Il est généralement admis dans le pays que ces groupes sont à la solde de l’oligarchie.

 

Les conséquences du blocage du pays, pendant plus de deux mois, sont dramatiques. C’est une véritable catastrophe humanitaire. L’économie, déjà affectée par les récents évènements climatiques, dépérit. Les recettes de l’Etat provenant des impôts et des droits de douane s’en trouvent diminuées. Il sera bientôt difficile de rétribuer les fonctionnaires publics. La plus grande partie de la population active est composée de journaliers. Chaque jour d’inactivité impacte négativement le budget des familles. D’autre part, de nombreuses entreprises sont contraintes de fermer, mettant au chômage leurs salariés. Les routes étant obstruées, les paysans ne peuvent pas acheminer leurs denrées vers les villes. Ces produits étant périssables, pourrissent sur place. D’un autre côté, la rareté de nourriture provoque le renchérissement des coûts. La famine se fait déjà sentir et l’aide humanitaire apportée par les USA et les Nations-Unies constituera un palliatif qui ne relèvera pas l’économie. Une autre conséquence déplorable est la fermeture des écoles et la perte d’emplois dans l’éducation. S’agissant du secteur de la santé, le constat est effroyable: les médecins ne peuvent pas fréquenter leur lieux de travail; les malades, les femmes enceintes ne peuvent se rendre dans les l’hôpitaux, lesquels ne sont pas approvisionnés en médicaments et en matériel.

 

Comment en sommes-nous arrivés là? Pour répondre à la question il nous faut remonter à l’histoire

 

En 1804, les noirs et les mulâtres unis se sont se libérés du joug français. La nation haïtienne étant fondée, les mulâtres partaient plus avantagés que les noirs, car mieux éduqués et plus fortunés. A travers le temps, ceux-ci formant une oligarchie, ont jalousement conservé leur mainmise sur les richesses, en s’assurant de contrôler l’appareil d’Etat.

 

Plus récemment, cette oligarchie, s’est diversifiée en intégrant des éléments noirs fortunés et des levantins, originaires du Moyen-Orient. Dans un pays aux ressources économiques limitées, l’oligarchie s’est révélée, au fil du temps, de plus en plus vorace.

 

L’avènement à la présidence de René Préval en 2006 (celui-ci est resté au pouvoir jusqu’en 2011) a été, pour les oligarques, l’opportunité d’orchestrer la déstructuration d’entreprises d’état par des actes de brigandage et des sabotages, incluant la séquestration des responsables de ces services étatiques. Ces entreprises, ainsi dévaluées, ont été bradées à leur profit.

 

Durant la transition dirigée par Jocelerme Privert, des contrats juteux totalisant 3 milliards de dollars ont été accordés au bénéfice de cette oligarchie, au nombre desquels la surveillance de la frontière. La frontière et les eaux territoriales sont ouvertes à la contrebande et aux trafics d’armes et de la drogue pratiqués par la mafia d’affaire.

 

Il importe de souligner que l’organe de l’Etat chargé historiquement de la surveillance de la frontière, l’Armée, a été dissoute en 1994 par Aristide, prédécesseur de Préval.

 

Une image fabriquée

 

C’est dans ce contexte qu’est advenu l’actuel président Jovenel Moïse, supporté par la classe d’affaire et des spécialistes en relations publiques qui lui ont fabriqué une image d’entrepreneur à succès à travers son entreprise d’exportation de bananes. Appelé par dérision “Neg bannan la” (l’homme banane) par ses adversaires, Moïse a adopté ce label qu’il a avantageusement utilisé durant sa campagne. Le cyclone Matthiew ayant ravagé le Sud du pays en 2017, ce candidat put, grâce à ses financiers,  y apporter des secours en vivres et en matériel. Cette dernière circonstance a joué en faveur de son élection. Ceux qui l’avaient financé attendaient, en retour, de nouveaux privilèges. Ils ont, peut-être, été pris de court par l’éclatement en 2018, du scandale PetroCaribe.

 

PetroCaribe, PetroChallengers, “péyi lok”

 

Le scandale PetroCaribe, le bradage des entreprises d’état et les contrats octroyés par Privert constituent les plus grosses affaires de corruption ayant marqué les gouvernances de ce début du 21ème siècle.

 

Alors que l’affaire n’a pas encore été jugée en court, les haïtiens admettent généralement que le scandale PetroCaribe implique 3 présidences: celles de René Préval, de Michel Martelly et de Jocelerme Privert.

 

Par l’accord PetroCaribe, l’Etat Vénézuélien fournissait à des pays latino américains et caribéens du pétrole à des conditions préférentielles. Le paiement était reporté, dans le temps, à un taux d’intérêt quasi-insignifiant. Les valeurs à payer devaient, entre-temps, être investies dans des projets ruraux avec l’option de rembourser en produits agricoles.

 

Prenant pour prétexte le séisme de 2010 et les cyclones dévastateurs qui ont frappé le pays, les gouvernements de Préval, Martelly et Privert ont, en déclarant l’état d’urgence, contourné les organes de contrôle de l’Etat. Ainsi l’argent de PetroCaribe, 3 milliards de dollars, fut englouti dans des contrats irréguliers ou bidons largement surfacturés. Des hommes politiques éminents y compris: ministres, parlementaires, hauts cadres de l’Etat et hommes d’affaires, se sont enrichis, profitant de cette manne financière.

 

Les citoyens haïtiens commencèrent à demander ce qu’il était advenu des fonds. Un mouvement, largement soutenu par des jeunes vit alors le jour, exigeant la reddition de compte et la récupération des sommes disparues. Il donna lieu à des manifestations monstres. Les adhérents à ce mouvement se nommèrent les PetroChallengers.

 

Face aux scandale le président, fraîchement élu, a adopté une position ambiguë disant qu’il ne permettrait pas que l’affaire soit utilisée à des fins de persécution politique. S’agissait-il d’une stratégie ou entendait-il protéger ses financiers et amis politiques? Il y avait intérêt, car sa compagnie, Agritrans, était elle-même, indexée pour avoir bénéficié d’un contrat irrégulier d’un montant, il est vrai, insignifiant. La Cour Supérieure des Comptes et du Contentieux Administratif, organe de contrôle de l’Etat, réalisa, ensuite, un audit, mais tira des conclusions sans entendre les accusés, ce qui rend problématique la crédibilité de son rapport.

 

Le puissant mouvement PetroChallenge lancé en 2018 fut habilement manipulé quand les politiciens et hommes d’affaires se mêlant aux PetroChallengers, dirigèrent le mouvement sur l’exigence de la démission du président et évacuèrent la revendication initiale de reddition de compte. Alors qu’il pourrait sembler que le “péyi lok” ait pris forme à partir de PetroChallenge, le mouvement pacifique des PetroChallengers ne doit pas être confondu avec la violence du “péyi lok”. Jusqu’au moment de la rédaction de cet article, le Président demeure ferme à son poste.

 

Réplique du président

 

Moïse hésite à agir pour réprimer les gangs qui paralysent les activités, malgré le soutien des puissances américaine et européennes. Il est évident qu’il existe une rupture entre le Président et l’oligarchie. Quand a eu lieu la rupture? Ce n’est pas clair; mais, en début de mandat, celui-ci avait opté pour le remplacement du système électrique par des énergies renouvelables, sans obtenir le support de ces derniers.

 

Face aux récentes tentatives de renversement, le président a contre-attaqué en mettant fin aux contrats d’électricité du secteur privé et en engageant des firmes d’avocats pour récupérer des sommes facturées frauduleusement. Il a aussi coupé les franchises douanières dont bénéficiaient les hommes affaires.

 

Le président avait récemment affirmé être ouvert à négocier avec ses adversaires pour résoudre la crise. Ces derniers ont répliqué qu’ils étaient prêts à dialoguer avec tout le monde, sauf avec Monsieur Moïse. La récente visite de l’émissaire du président Trump, semble avoir fait évoluer les acteurs en faveur de ce dialogue. Le dénouement serait-il pour bientôt?

 

Quelles perspectives?

 

On serait tenté de d’assimiler le jeu des acteurs politiques à une mauvaise farce, n’était-ce le spectacle du dépérissement de tout un pays. Devant ce tableau navrant, est-il permis d’espérer?

 

Les haïtiens aspirent au bonheur et méritent mieux que d’être dirigés par des hommes corrompus et incompétents. Il est impératif que cette classe politique et ces gens d’affaires soient remplacés par de nouvelles élites. Le pays et, surtout, la diaspora disposent d’un réservoir de gens instruits qui devraient en s’unissant, accepter de s’impliquer dans la chose publique pour la refondation de la nation sur de nouvelles bases. Le salut viendra avec l’avènement d’un gouvernement intègre et fort, capable d’opérer les changements nécessaires appuyé par les forces vives du pays et la communauté internationale soutenue par les amis d’Haïti à travers le monde.

 

____________

 

Patrick Etienne est le vice-président de L’institute de la Nouvelle Haïti/New Haiti Institute, un groupe de réflexion, d’action et d’engagement citoyen oeuvrant dans le cadre élargi d’une approche pluridimensionnelle de la problématique haitienne.

 

 

Cover image: Artwork by Irene De Matteis.

 

Tags: corruption scandalcrisisHaitiJovenel MoïseneoliberalismoligarchyPatrick EtiennePetroCaribePetroChallenge movementpéyi lok
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